From Brazil

with Vincent Bevins and guests

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Vincent Bevins é colaborador do jornal britânico 'Financial Times' e correspondente no Brasil do 'Los Angeles Times'. Escrito em inglês, blog aborda principais acontecimentos do Brasil sob o olhar de um estrangeiro.

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Holy war in Brazil

Por frombrazil

folhapress

A recent controversial ruling against Afro-Brazilian religions has underlined shifts in the battle for Brazil’s religious identity. As the number of Catholics wanes, wealthy and growing Evangelical churches have used their considerable power to attack faiths such as Umbanda and Candomblé.

Nathan Walters
Rio de Janeiro

When federal court judge Eugenio Rosa de Araujo delivered his April 28th decision, concluding that Afro-Brazilian faiths such as Umbanda and Candomblé are not religions and not entitled to the protection afforded under constitutional discrimination laws, he had to know there would be hell to pay. Not from any otherworldly retribution, but from the large, active population of Brazilians who adhere to those faiths Araujo was denying legal protection.

Araujo’s statement that Afro-Brazilian cults do not constitute religions because they “do not contain the necessary features of a religion, i.e. a text base (Quran, Bible), lack of hierarchical structure and the absence of a God to be worshiped” was included in his ruling on a discrimination complaint brought by federal prosecutors in Rio on behalf of the National Afro Media Association (ANMA).

The federal prosecutor, Jaime Mitropoulos, argued that 17 videos on YouTube made by various churches under the Pentecostal umbrella were discriminatory and violated the Afro-Brazilian religions’ fundamental rights protected by the Brazilian constitution.  The case named Google Brasil as the defendant and sought to have the videos, all of which basically refer to Afro-Brazilian faiths as the devil’s work, removed.

As expected, the decision was quick to draw criticism. “The Federal Court could have given a great contribution in the fight for citizenship, respect and religious diversity. It did not. Instead, it exposed our slave heritage and prejudice to deny that Afro-Brazilian cults are religions. The decision strengthens the violence, persecution and intolerance,” Rio de Janeiro state deputy and former mayoral candidate Marcelo Freixo wrote on his Facebook page.

Perhaps feeling the pressure from prominent critics and members of the faiths being denied protection, Araujo reversed his own decision concerning the legal status of Afro-Brazilian faiths on May 20th. He did, however, uphold his ruling regarding the YouTube videos, which he concluded were protected by freedom of speech laws.

Even with the reversal, questions remain: Was his initial decision a momentary lapse in judgment? A case of personal faith superseding jurisprudence? A more convenient means to the desired end?

These are questions that Carioca adherents to Afro-Brazilian faiths find themselves asking. And after decades of intense, sometimes violent clashes with the rapidly expanding population of evangelical Christian church, most are convinced Araujo’s decision is another example of the expanding influence of Pentecostalism in Brazil.

That influence has lifted several politicians to prominent roles in the federal government, directly affecting social policy, but also exerts itself in other indirect ways that increase the pressure on often misunderstood Afro-Brazilian faiths.

Protestantism, including evangelical Christians and Pentecostals, has experienced a rapid swelling of their ranks in recent years. Affiliation grew from just 2 million in 1970 to 26 million in 2000 and reached 42 million in 2010. As of 2010, 22% of the country’s population identified itself as Protestant, according to a 2013 Pew Research survey.

A large percentage of that increase came from converted Catholics. The population of Brazilians that identifies themselves as Catholic has been in a free fall for the past four decades, dropping to 65% in 2010 from 92% in 1970.

It’s a known secret that a large percentage of those who identify themselves as Catholics are actually practicing Spiritists (with a large number practicing faiths like Umbanda and Candomblé), a situation that has persisted for centuries.

Today in Brazil you don’t have to travel far to find an Assembly of God or Universal Church of the Kingdom of God; most neighborhoods—from the poorest communities to the more moneyed areas—are home to an astounding number of Pentecostal churches. The expansion of the evangelical Christian faith base has helped bolster a growing media empire catering to the increasing population of church followers.

The Rede Record TV network, owned by controversial billionaire pastor Edir Macedo and the founder of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, is the second only to the behemoth Globo TV in viewership. Numerous radio networks, newspapers and the savvy use of social media mean that followers can receive the church’s message 24 hours a 7 days a week without much effort.

At the same time, most Afro-Brazilian faiths continue to operate on the periphery of society. They are there, but you have to look for them. Most people who have spent time in Rio or Salvador have some idea of Umbanda or Candomblé, but few beyond the truly curious have encountered a terreiro (the site of the faith’s rituals).

Religions like Candomblé, imported from Africa along with slaves as far back as the 16th century, have historically catered to the more marginalized part of the Brazilian population, namely African descendants in the poorer parts of the urban areas, and have never enjoyed mainstream acceptance the way evangelical Christians have in recent years.

The places of worship and the actual beliefs of these religions remain a mystery to most and Evangelical Christians use their prominent position and voice to fill in the information gap with speculation, half-truths and outright lies.

“We do not want to fight, we just want to show the people that Afro-Brazilian religions are not what they (the evangelical Christians) say. Candomblé and Umbanda embrace and accept all people, regardless of their race, color or sexual preferences. We just want to help people,” says Mãe Meninazinha de Oxum, a prominent leader in Rio’s Candomblé faith.

“We worship the orixás, which are elements of nature, positive energy, not the devil like the evangelicals says. They are the only ones thinking about the devil,” she says, adding that the untruths spread by the evangelical Christians reflects the prejudice and racism that still persist in Brazil.

Araujo’s decision highlights a serious problem in the perception of Afro-Brazilian faiths in Brazil, but what can be done? The decision regarding the YouTube videos will almost certainly be appealed, but freedom of speech case law in Brazil is considerably broad. Even if the videos are removed, evangelical Christians’ views on Afro-Brazilian faiths are unlikely to change in any appreciable way in the short-term. Especially since the message, rooted in speculation and sensationalism, have found a receptive audience.

Photo – adherents of Afro-Brazilian religions protest the decision in Brasília. (Pedro Ladeira/Folhapress)

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